Tamil Nadu: Dangerous boom
Shivani Chaturvedi (Chennai) Over the past 25 years since it was modestly promoted with the ambition to make education the #1 item on the sputtering national development agenda, EducationWorld (estb.1999) has relentlessly championed foundational early childhood care and education (ECCE) which had been almost totally ignored — especially in public education — for over seven decades. In 2010, EW convened the first International ECCE Conference in Mumbai. Simultaneously, the first EducationWorld India Preschool Rankings were launched to showcase the country’s best preschools in six cities. Since then, the annual EW India Preschool Rankings have been published without interruption featuring most admired preschools in 17 cities as also the country’s best (government-run) Anganwadi Centres (AWCs). Evidently EW’s sustained championing of ECCE has paid off. The National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 accords high importance to ECCE. To the extent that the previous 10+2 school education system has been recast as 5+3+3+4 mandating three years of compulsory pre-primary education for all children. However, according to reports from the southern state of Tamil Nadu, ECCE has now become too popular. The Federation of Private School Associations (FPSA) in the state has raised alarm over mushrooming pre-primaries, a large number of whom lack basic facilities, employ untrained staff, and disregard safety measures for youngest children. “Under the Tamil Nadu Private Schools (Regulation) Act, 2019, and the code of regulation for nursery and primary schools, all schools are required to obtain recognition from the school education department. However, hundreds of play schools are operating without any recognition,” says M. Arumugam, state president of FPSA. “Most of these schools are functioning out of homes and in overcrowded residential areas, which may be unfit and unsafe for children,” he adds. Other educationists are also sounding warning alarms. “We are witnessing an increasing number of unauthorised schools without proper infrastructure or qualified teachers being promoted, posing a significant threat to the safety and development of young children,” confirms K.R. Nandhakumar, general secretary of the Tamil Nadu Nursery, Primary, Matriculation, Higher Secondary, and CBSE Schools Association. According to Nandhakumar, a large number of the 9,000 pre-primaries approved by the state government’s Directorate of Private Schools, also operate in residential areas. Parents are obliged to pay “hefty fees” for half-day learning, and many teachers are either higher secondary (class XII) or only Montessori certified. Despite the state government having prescribed stringent guidelines for private pre-primaries, enforcement remains weak, says Nandhakumar. “In Chennai, there are at least 1,000 self-styled play schools operating without supervision and affiliation, in violation of law. The government should monitor these institutions more closely. In many cases, classrooms are overcrowded, and the schools lack adequately trained staff qualified to provide the necessary care and educational support to youngest children. With minimal regulatory oversight, too many preschools ignore critical safety measures such as fire safety protocols, first-aid facilities, and CCTV surveillance, putting the lives of children at risk,” says Dr. S. Somasundaram, a Chennai-based educationist. In 2004, a horrifying fire at the Sri Krishna Saraswathi English Medium School at…
Clearing Waqf corruption & confusion
– Mohammad Sajjad is Professor, modern and contemporary Indian history, Aligarh Muslim University Against the backdrop of the Waqf Management, Empowerment, Efficiency, and Development Bill 2024 having been referred to a JPC, the author proposes ways and means to fortify it With tabling of the United Waqf Management, Empowerment, Efficiency, and Development (UMEED) Bill 2024, in Parliament — since referred to a Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) for further examination — India’s 32 Waqf Boards have come under public scrutiny. They reportedly control 8.7 lakh properties spanning 9.4 lakh acres countrywide. Linguistically, the word Waqf (tied-up or locked up), also known as habs (locking, selling and purchase of assets earmarked as charitable endowments), or mortmain property, is an inalienable charitable endowment under Islamic law. Typically, it involves donating real estate — land and buildings — for Muslim religious or charitable purposes with no intention of reclaiming the donated assets. It’s important to note that a large proportion of Waqf property comprises graveyards (Qabristan) which don’t yield any income. Some paltry (mostly oral and unregistered) Waqf assets are owned by village/mohalla mosques (which are maintained through meagre or no incomes). These “assets” add to the corpus of Waqfs, but don’t yield any income. This is a point the Sachar Report (2006), which highlighted the poverty of India’s Muslim minority, failed to note. However it revealed that, “There are more than 4.9 lakh registered Waqfs (with estates and assets) spread across the country but the current annual income from these properties is only about Rs.163 crore, which amounts to a meagre 2.7 percent rate of return…. The current… market value (income generated) from Waqf properties can be put at Rs.1.2 lakh crore.” Misgivings about the Waqf Bill 2024. The proposed Bill challenges exclusive Muslim composition of the Waqf Boards as mandated by the Waqf Act 1995. It proposes to abolish the power of (provincial/state government) Waqf Boards to issue notices or hold enquiry into the ownership of property that it believes belongs to a Waqf. Another misgiving is that the mutawallis (managers/administrators) are obliged to transfer their power to District Collectors. Moreover, the proposed Bill doesn’t address the concerns recorded in the Sachar Report; nor does this Bill propose mandatory digital transparency by displaying all estates and assets of Waqfs on their websites. Another anomaly is that it doesn’t insist upon annual auditing of the income-expenditure of Waqf Boards. Similar legislation for governance of Hindu mutths (with large estates) and mahanths (who practically own and manage the mutths) has not been enacted. The Waqf Bill 2024, therefore, is discriminatory against Muslim institutions. Overall, mistrust between the Indian state and its Muslim community persists almost perpetually. India’s Muslims have all along been doggedly resisting state interference in reforming Muslim personal laws, and reforming the governance structure of the Aligarh Muslim University which is heavily dominated by certain cliques. Simultaneously, sections of India’s Muslim elites have also been misleading the by preventing initiatives to make necessary reforms from within. Therefore, some reforms need to be…